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Do Partisans Hate Each Other More Than Ever?

Reason magazine

|

November 2018

Scholars try to explain today’s political warfare.

- Morris Fiorina

Do Partisans Hate Each Other More Than Ever?

For all the florid journalistic commentary about voter polarization, extensive empirical studies have shown that the American electorate is no more polarized today than it was in the 1970s. What’s changed is that the parties have sorted: Democrats have become more homogeneously liberal, Republicans more homogeneously conservative.

But even taking sorting into account, partisan hostility appears greater than any objective differences on the issues would seem to justify. To explain this divergence, a number of scholars have argued for a view generally known as “affective partisanship.” Ordinary Democrats and Republicans may not differ that much on public policy, the argument goes, but they dislike the other side more than they used to, ascribing negative traits to them and even claiming they would be upset if their offspring married someone from the other party.

The latest and arguably strongest contribution to this line of work is Uncivil Agreement by Lilliana Mason, an assistant professor of government and politics at the University of Maryland. But before looking at her findings, I want to note some problems with studies of affective partisanship.

FIRST IS THE simple fact that the proportion of Americans who admit to having any partisan identity is at an all-time low. When the American National Election Studies began in the 1950s, three quarters of those queried claimed to be either a Democrat or a Republican. In the 2016 study, only about 60 percent did. Commercial polls similarly report that 40 percent or more of Americans today claim to be independents.

Reason magazine से और कहानियाँ

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A Nostalgic Read for Foreign Policy Elites

IF YOU WERE looking for a human avatar of America's unipolar moment, you couldn't do better than Michael McFaul. Picture a youthful, energetic McFaul with a newly minted Ph.D. bounding into the suddenly post-Soviet space of the early 1990s, full of bright ideas about democracy and faith in the end of history. As McFaul himself puts it, 1991 \"was a glorious moment to be a democratic, liberal, capitalist, multilateralist, and American....I was treated like a rockstar.\"

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THE NATIONAL REVIEW FOUNDER'S FLEXIBLE APPROACH TO POLITICS DEFINED CONSERVATISM AS WE KNOW IT.

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MAHA Mandates Food Labels

BURDENSOME FOOD LABELING mandates were once the province of Democrats, who pushed for calorie count requirements on restaurant menus and insisted packaged food must feature warnings about genet- ically modified ingredients and trans fats. Now it's Republicans leading the charge- with equally foolish results.

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REPUBLICAN SOCIALISM

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A Taste of Capitalism in Warsaw

WARSAW, POLAND, IS a living museum of economic systems. It's a city where concrete reliefs of stoic factory workers decorate a building that now houses a Kentucky Fried Chicken, where a Soviet-era apartment block stands beside a glass tower filled with coworking spaces.

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Robert Crumb's Roving Art and Life

IN THE SPRING of 1962, an 18-year-old Robert Crumb was beaned in the forehead by a solid glass ashtray. His mother, Bea, had hurled it at his father, Chuck, who ducked. Robert was bloodied and dazed, once again a silent and enraged witness to his family's chaos.”

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THE HOWARD ROARK OF COMICS

SPIDER-MAN CO-CREATOR STEVE DITKO WAS A GREAT EXAMPLE OF, AND DIRE WARNING TO, OBJECTIVIST POP ARTISTS.

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