Democrats need to stop trying to feel everyone’s pain, and hold on to their own anger.
ON THE MORNING AFTER, traumatized liberals set out hunting for answers as if Election Day were 9/11 all over again. The ubiquitous question of 15 years earlier— “Why do they hate us?”—was repurposed for Donald Trump’s demolition of the political order. Why did white working class voters reject Hillary Clinton and the Democrats? Why did they fall for a billionaire con man? Why do they hate us?
There were, of course, many other culprits in the election’s outcome. Comey, the Kremlin, the cable-news networks that beamed Trump 24/7, Jill Stein, a Clinton campaign that (among other blunders) ignored frantic on-the-ground pleas for help in Wisconsin and Michigan, and the candidate herself have all come in for deserved public flogging. But the attitude among some liberals toward the actual voters who pulled the trigger on Election Day has been more indulgent, equivocal, and forgiving. Perhaps those white voters without a college degree who preferred Trump by 39 percentage points—the most lopsided margin in the sector pollsters define as “white working class” since the 1980 Ronald Reagan landslide—are not “deplorables” who “cling to guns and religion” after all. Perhaps, as Joe Biden enthused, “these are good people, man!” who “aren’t racist” and “aren’t sexist.” Perhaps, as Mark Lilla argued in an influential essay in the New York Times, they were turned off mostly by the Democrats’ identity politics and rightfully felt excluded from Clinton’s stump strategy of name-checking every ethnicity, race, and gender in the party’s coalition except garden- variety whites. Perhaps they should hate us.
This story is from the March 20–April 2, 2017 edition of New York magazine.
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This story is from the March 20–April 2, 2017 edition of New York magazine.
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