In this issue of Global Asia, we look in depth at the emerging security risks around the region that could lead, even inadvertently, to conflict or even war. Our cover package, Dangerous Games, explores the rise of geopolitics in East Asia, examining the dynamics at work in each of the major countries. Given the exceptional importance of
geopolitics in the region, our In Focus section looks in detail at the role of the US alliance system and the ways in which it is being challenged. In our Book Review section, we highlight a work that describes China’s growing presence in Africa and its geopolitical ambitions there, and a volume of essays that ask whether the US-China rivalry mirrors the conditions that led to the outbreak of the First World War. In our Features section, we
chronicle the state of political reform in Myanmar and the geopolitical calculations of its military dominated
government. Finally, we also publish the “Jakarta Declaration on Nuclear Arms,” recently released by the Asia-Pacific Leadership Network for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, with a introduction by Gareth Evans. It lays out steps aimed at securing the region, and the world, from the horrors that have been visited
so far only on one Asian nation.

In October 2019, the 2nd International Forum on China and World Order was held in Beijing. For the cover package of this issue of Global Asia, we commissioned a number of pieces from that forum under the co-editorship of Chu Yun-han and Yang Guangbin to explore the issue of China’s efforts to establish a new world order. We didn’t count on the outbreak of Covid-19, but the pieces we’ve assembled here are updated to include that context in elucidating the topic of a new, Beijing-led world order.
Elsewhere in this issue of Global Asia, our Debate section looks at the risks to Hong Kong of Beijing’s new national security law for the city. 
In our Features section, we examine how the latest conflict between China and Vietnam in the South China Sea draws attention to the importance to Hanoi of developing a sea-based, or blue, economy. We also look at how Taiwan’s success in dealing with Covid-19 hasn’t, unfortunately, bolstered its continuing efforts to win international legitimacy in multinational bodies such as the World Health Organization. Finally, we look at the complex role that India plays in shaping Nepal’s relations with China.
We have devoted our In Focus section to tangential issues that have emerged from the Covid-19 pandemic, such as human rights, the plight of marginalized communities and ASEAN’s efforts to forge a common approach to the pandemic. 
As always, our Book Review section provides you with a look at some of the best writing on the region.

As this issue of Global Asia was being prepared, the outbreak of Covid-19 that had been tearing through the region exploded into a global pandemic, claiming thousands of new victims in Europe, the US, the Persian Gulf and elsewhere. Italy’s fatalities alone now exceed those in China, where the outbreak appears to have originated. We intend to delve into this pandemic in future issues; in this one we include an early look at how the crisis was handled in China and South Korea...

In our In Focus section, we look at the coronavirus outbreak in China, and how fundamental flaws in how Beijing first reacted may have contributed to its severity. We examine South Korea’s approach to tamp down the extraordinary spread there. We ask, too, whether border controls are useful or not to stop the spread of viruses...

Elsewhere, our cover package is devoted to democratic backsliding. The broadest debate in Asia on models of governance has tended to center on the struggle for influence between China and the US, and the differing attractions of a one-party, autocratic system and one based on democracy, rule of law and a liberal world order. But countries across the region have over the years been conducting their own debates about democracy’s place in their political systems... Our cover package probes the state of democracy in Asia, examining a range of countries, highlighting where the threat of authoritarianism is rearing its head and where democratic values appear resilient. If a trend toward backsliding seems under way, the outcome is far from certain. The essays, under the co-editorship of Aurel Croissant and Larry Diamond, build on discussions at the workshop “Democratic Backsliding in Asia,” hosted by Heidelberg University last December. They preview arguments to appear in a special issue of the journal Democratization.

Despite the science, climate change remains for some a matter of faith; there are those who believe in it and those who do not. The same cannot be said about air pollution — especially in Asia. Of the world’s 100 most polluted cities, 99 are in Asia. The vast majority of those are in India and China, but even in Southeast Asia, the skies are annually choked by fires set to clear forests for oil-palm plantations and other commercial uses. Air pollution is a peril literally visible to Asians every day. Whether democratic or authoritarian, governments across the region are waking up to the challenge, if for no other reason than that their people are clamoring for solutions...

In our cover package this issue, we look at the myriad air pollution problems faced by the major economies in the region, and how governments are responding. Progress is indeed being made, but the magnitude of the issues is daunting. But one thing is sure: As an increasing number of Asians literally choke for breath, governments themselves have little room left for failure...

While the US-China trade war has dominated headlines and centered economic debate on US President Donald Trump’s hardline trade policies, another dispute heralds a much longer-term sign of rivalry: the use of technology from Chinese telecom giant Huawei in the global rollout of 5G mobile networks. The US has banned its use and is pressing its allies and other countries not to expose themselves to what it sees as the cybersecurity risks of Chinese high-tech hardware and software. It has also taken a tougher stance on the export to China of US technologies vital to Beijing’s ambitions to dominate key emerging technologies by 2025. The battle over Huawei is, in short, the opening salvo in a struggle between Washington and Beijing over who will sit astride the technologies of the future...

Asian countries are being drawn into that battle. Australia was the first to identify Huawei’s 5G security risks, but Asian nations are by no means eager to line up with Trump against it. The world’s largest telecom equipment provider is already deeply involved in the region’s economies providing 3G and 4G networks...

Our cover package examines the issue at large and the stances being taken by Asian countries. As this issue was going to press, Ren Zhengfei, Huawei’s founder and chief executive, said in a rare interview with The Economist that the company was prepared to license its 5G technology to a Western company for a one-time fee — an extraordinary revelation. It remains to be seen in the months ahead how serious that offer is and whether it has any takers...

EFFORTS OVER DECADES to address the risks of a nuclear-armed North Korea, and go beyond to building a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula, have been marked by cycles of high hopes and apparent progress, followed by backsliding and frustration on all sides. The perilous events of 2017 appeared to set in motion yet another iteration of that cycle, beginning with provocative nuclear and missile tests by Pyongyang, followed by a breathtaking war of words between North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and US President Donald Trump that appeared to be a prelude to real war. All that changed in 2018 with a series of surprise summits between the leaders of North and South Korea, as well as between Trump and Kim. Perhaps predictably, disappointment once again set in following the “no deal” summit in early 2019 between Trump and Kim in Hanoi.

What potentially sets apart the current push to resolve the peninsula’s myriad problems — the nuclear issue foremost — is the unique role of Moon Jae-in, South Korean president since May 10, 2017. His peace initiative — a driving force in shaping the dialogue not only between the two Koreas but also between Washington and Pyongyang — has placed Moon as the “man in the middle” in the formidable dynamics playing out between Kim and Trump. Moreover, Moon’s ambitions go well beyond the issues that top the agenda for US policy-makers and encompass an overarching vision for the Korean Peninsula.

In our cover package, we have tapped the insights of leading scholars and practitioners of inter-Korean relations who participated in a conference on April 4, co-organized by the Yonsei Institute for North Korean Studies and the Korea Institute for National Unification and with financial support from the South Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism and the Asia Research Fund. Together, these articles explore and assess Moon’s peace initiative midway through his presidency...

The world is edging into another technological transformation, the so-called Fourth Industrial Revolution. The last one, centered on the Internet, PCs and smartphones, gave birth to tech giants such as Google, Facebook, Apple and Amazon, as well as China’s Baidu, Alibaba and Tencent. But the coming revolution promises more radical changes and could upend global business models, impacting societies in ways only starting to be imagined. Developments in artificial intelligence, quantum computing, Big Data, machine learning, the Internet of Things, new frontiers in medicine, science, transportation and municipal governance herald the next Brave New World.

These developments come as decades of widening income and wealth gaps and a political backlash against globalization have given new life to an age-old scourge of international co-operation: nationalism. From the US to the UK and other parts of Europe, and China and beyond, nationalism has again reared its ugly head and promises to be a potent force in the Fourth Industrial Revolution. The recent horrific events in New Zealand serve as a reminder to the Asia-Pacific region that the pathologies of race-based nationalist extremism, amplified by social media networks, are a threat to peace all over the world.

In our cover package, we look at how techno-nationalism is likely to shape the use and possible misuse of emerging technologies in this new era of nationalist-driven geopolitical rivalry, especially between the US and China. Given Asia’s leading role in many cutting-edge technologies, countries in the region will have to find new modes of remaining competitive, while grappling with the national-security implications of advances being made by potential rivals.

...The year opened with the world fearing a possible military conflict on the Korean Peninsula following months of heated rhetoric from US President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un. But as was quickly shown by the subsequent summits between South Korean President Moon Jae-in and Kim, and between Trump and Kim, dialogue among leaders determined to change the course of events can have an impact on re-calibrating discourse, even when the thorniest differences remain. Only the future will tell where current efforts to address the many contentious issues on the Korean Peninsula will lead, but if they ultimately succeed — even several years hence — the high-level meetings that marked 2018 will be seen as historic examples of the power and promise of summit diplomacy.
In this issue of Global Asia, we take an in-depth look at the exercise of summit diplomacy in Asia, not just with regard to the Korean Peninsula, but also to the many issues that threaten stability in relations among China, Japan and South Korea, as well as the wider role of the United States in the region. We expand the remit of that inquiry in our In Focus section, examining the emergence in recent years of a variety of forums that are increasingly institutionalizing summit diplomacy in Asia — from the Shanghai Co-operation Organization to the Belt and Road Initiative to regional trade negotiations. This complex mosaic of summitry is vital in its own right as an opportunity for high-level dialogue, but also threatens to become a venue in which the regional rivalry between China and the US could play out.
The articles on summit diplomacy presented here have their origin in a conference held on Oct. 29, 2018, at the University of California, San Diego, sponsored by the School of Global Policy and Strategy, the Korea-Pacific Program and The Asia Research Fund...

As the growing backlash against globalization picks up pace, populists and nationalists are on the march, particularly in the US and Europe. Leaders in Asia can hardly escape this growing trend, even as they grapple with their own emerging domestic challenges and the evolving transformation in the regional order. We profile some of Asia’s key leaders and the mark they are making.

In our cover package, we examine how Northeast Asia’s major nations are grappling with challenges posed by Trump’s unorthodox approach to trade. China figures prominently, as it runs by far the largest trade surplus with the US. As predicted in these pages last year, Trump is proving a “transactional president,” seeking with Beijing to cobble together a package of concessions not aimed at adhering to any broad, multilateral framework, but rather to extract benefits that will hasten a narrowing of the US trade deficit. Beijing is thus faced with unwelcome pressure to address US concerns without appearing to surrender China’s growing influence on the debate about global rules and norms, including those involving trade.
Elsewhere in this issue, our Features section looks at the historic North Korea-South Korea summit in April and Trump-Kim summit in Singapore in June; why the argument that China presents a new, alternative authoritarian model for the world is a myth; what Malaysia needs to do, now that it has ousted the party that ruled it for 60 years; the challenges of regulating cryptocurrencies in Asia; the importance of Australia-South Korea relations; and what fiction-writing in North Korea reveals about Kim Jong Un and his rule.
Our In Focus section takes an in-depth look at the renewed role for Europe in Asian security in the face of the growing US -China rivalry for influence in the region. Europe’s relevance to security issues in Asia receded after the end of the Cold War, but new opportunities for European engagement are now emerging.
In addition, we feature an expanded book review section in this issue, focusing as always on some of the most engaging works on Asia.

As the current issue was about to go to press, Trump stunned the world by instantly accepting an invitation to meet Kim delivered on March 8 by a high-level delegation of South Korean officials. That meeting is currently set for May. As improbable as it seemed only a few months ago, there is now hope, however cautious and guarded, that this could begin a path to denuclearization and peace on the Korean Peninsula, potentially removing one of Northeast Asia’s greatest threats to stability. But it is a long shot, and the path is likely to be strewn with many obstacles. 
Moreover, the Korean Peninsula is only one of many potential points of conflict in Asia. Maritime and territorial disputes litter the region and divide countries large and small, some fueled by lingering historical grievances: Taiwan remains divided from mainland China, with the prospect of forced reunification still on the table; India and Pakistan, both nuclear powers, remain mired in mutual distrust; and a rising China, led by a president who on March 11 — in another momentous recent surprise — received constitutional authority to remain in power indefinitely, is showing an increasing willingness to assert its growing power throughout the region, putting it on a path of potential conflict with the US in Asia. 
In our cover package, we examine how these multiple security concerns underpin a region-wide push to modernize militaries to prepare for possible contingencies and lay the groundwork for an arms race in Asia. Under the guest editorship of Peter Hayes, a member of our Editorial Board, we examine what is taking place around the region to enhance military capabilities, and the strategic rationale of the governments concerned. To be sure, military modernization can be an instrument to ensure stability and avoid conflict in a troubled world, but it can also be a wellspring of tension and conflict if threat perceptions arising from those efforts aren’t properly managed.

It would be fair to say that 2017’s most compelling reality show was the advent of Donald Trump’s presidency. It was a show replete with the oversized pronouncements, unpredictable tweets and disruptive “America First” rhetoric that characterized Trump’s unlikely campaign for the White House. Unlike in Europe, where political leaders aren’t reticent about expressing alarm when American leaders depart from their scripts, leaders in Asia remained watchful and largely discreet in their efforts to fathom the direction of US foreign policy. But there was much to be nervous about, from Trump’s initial mis-step on Taiwan to his hectoring of allies Japan and South Korea on trade issues. And, of course, there was his introduction of “Little Rocket Man” into the lexicon on North Korea. Trump’s first trip to Asia as president in November seems, for now, to have calmed nerves and clarified at least some issues regarding US priorities in the region — and cast light on his emerging “Indo-Pacific” strategy. 

In our cover package, we feature a series of articles under the guest editorship of Stephan Haggard and Myung Hwan Yu on “Trump in Asia,” which had their origin in papers presented at a symposium Oct. 19-20 at the School of Global Policy and Strategy at the University of California, San Diego. The symposium received generous support from the Asia Research Fund, the Pacific Century Institute and the university’s Lawrence and Sallye Krause Chair. The articles not only dissect Trump’s approach to the region, but gauge how China, Russia, South Korea and Japan have adapted. “With all the uncertainties Trump has introduced, we might expect a region on edge. But a surprising finding of the Asian contributors’ papers is how all four major Northeast Asian countries have adjusted to the Trump era,” Haggard and Yu note in their introduction.

The situation the world now faces with North Korea has been long in coming. Its latest nuclear and missile tests, and the war of words between Kim Jong Un and Donald Trump, have seemingly brought the world to its most dangerous point yet in the standoff with North Korea. Or maybe not.
In the early 1990s, North Korea’s nuclear ambitions threatened to erupt in crisis. Atomic inspectors were closing in, leading Kim Il Sung in 1993 to threaten withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Eventually, he negotiated with the US and the result was the Geneva Agreed Framework in 1994, months after Kim Jong Il came to power. It was meant to halt Pyongyang’s path to nuclear weapons, and for the most part it worked. Until it didn’t. Accused by the US of cheating on the deal, North Korea formally withdrew from the NPT in 2003.
From there, the Six-Party Talks sought once again a negotiated end, while back-to-back liberal South Korean governments sought engagement through the Sunshine Policy. Nevertheless, in 2006, Pyongyang tested its first nuclear device and in 2009 pulled out of the Six-Party Talks, angered by criticism of a failed satellite launch.
Since 2011, Kim Jong Un has accelerated North Korea along a collision path with the US and its allies: four of its six nuclear tests have been under his watch, the latest and largest on Sept. 3. Its ballistic-missile program has also made unexpected progress, with its ICBMs now perhaps just a year from being able to reach the US mainland. Just as alarming, US politicians are now talking of military options and the public discussing war scenarios. Meanwhile, many in Asia, including South Koreans, do not seem to fully grasp the gravity of the situation today.

Revolutions take many forms, but those that begin with anger and frustration diffused across a population can appear slow in the making, if only because what is visibly broad does not always show itself as deep and powerful. So it must have felt on those chilly Saturday nights on Seoul’s streets last October, when people first gathered in protest. Outraged by growing evidence of corruption and abuse of authority by President Park Geun-hye, at first thousands, then tens and hundreds of thousands, and finally more than a million gathered in candlelight vigils calling for an end to her rule. Only as autumn turned to winter did the end come: Park was impeached, then in March was removed from office...
In our cover package, we examine the huge challenges that this People Power Revolution has laid before the feet of Moon and future South Korean leaders. To be sure, many have been a part of political debate for decades. But the stakes are higher now, and the public — freshly aware of its newfound power — is demanding accountability. The challenges include finally amending the constitution to end South Korea’s “imperial presidency;” reforming a system that affords chaebol, or family-owned business groups, control of much of the economy; expanding a welfare system that does too little to protect the needy; addressing widening income gaps and other social inequalities; adopting policies to help South Korea harness the Fourth Industrial Revolution, ushered in by growing use of AI and robotics; grappling with youth unemployment in a country also burdened by an aging population; and managing complex relations with China, the US and Japan, amid continuing provocations from North Korea.

Although long in the planning, the cover package of this issue of Global Asia on the need for closer trilateral relations among the US, Japan and South Korea could not have come at a more auspicious time. As we went to press, the Constitutional Court in Seoul upheld the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye, a historic ruling that removed her from office and set the stage for elections on May 9 that could bring a liberal president back to the Blue House for the first time since 2008. The fledgling administration of US President Donald Trump, meanwhile, has generated unprecedented uncertainty in foreign policymaking circles worldwide, forcing allies and enemies alike to parse social media and personnel appointments for any clue as to the likely direction of US foreign policy in the four years ahead. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, no doubt aware of the stakes, was the first leader to meet Trump after both his election and inauguration, signaling how important the relationship with Washington is to Tokyo’s place in Asia and the world.
 Against this backdrop of uncertainty in South Korea and the US, North Korea continues its provocative missile tests and has been implicated in the brazen assassination of Kim Jong Un’s half-brother, Kim Jong Nam, in Kuala Lumpur in a murder involving the nerve agent VX, classified by the UN as a weapon of mass destruction. China, meanwhile, has halted North Korean coal imports to ramp up pressure on Pyongyang, a move welcomed by Washington, but Beijing too is uncertain and wary of US policy, and has been angered by the first steps the US has taken to deploy the THAAD missile defense system in South Korea.

With the election of Donald J. Trump aspresident of the United States, the world is nowawash in uncertainty. For those preoccupiedwith international relations, the uncertainty isparticularly acute, as so little is known aboutTrump’s views on foreign affairs or how his idiosyncraticapproach to politics and public discoursewill play out on a global stage. For Asia,Trump’s brief but unprecedented phone conversationwith Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen onDecember 2 may be a harbinger of upheavals tocome. As leaders around the world brace themselvesto deal with Trump, the role of diplomacyis set to become more important than ever.In the cover package for this issue of GlobalAsia, guest editors Jochen Prantl and Evelyn Gohat the Australian National University (ANU) haveassembled a series of essays around the conceptof “strategic diplomacy” in Northeast Asia — anew approach that they define as “the processby which state and non-state actors socially constructand frame their view of the world; set theiragendas; and communicate, contest and negotiatediverging core interests and goals.” Unliketraditional international relations, focused onbilateral and multilateral diplomatic relationshipsamong states, strategic diplomacy is “ananalytical framework to study the systemic implicationsof diplomacy in order to understand andexplain what makes the region hang together.”

Welcome to this anniversary issue of Global Asia, which marks 10 years since we launched the journal. A little more than a decade ago, in late 2005, a small but distinguished group of Asia specialists from around the world gathered in Seoul under the auspices of the East Asia Foundation to plan an ambitious, long-term project: a journal on international affairs, based in Asia, that would provide a forum for Asia to speak to the world, and for the world to speak to Asia. Like so many other products from Asia in the decades after the Second World War, it was conceived initially as a copy of a Western model — the Foreign Affairs of Asia. But like so many other products from Asia, Global Asia has evolved into something unique in its identity, relevance and value. Asia continues to be the world’s most dynamic region, and we believe in the decades to come, it will play an increasingly pivotal role in world affairs, for better and worse; Global Asia intends to be there to chronicle and analyze that story.

Asia’s developed and emerging economies are both facing a common challenge following decades of rapid growth: how to address growing inequalities in wealth and income that are creating increasing social tensions and, in some instances, have the potential to threaten social stability. While the problems require different solutions from one country to the next, all of Asia must address the need for inclusive growth, if the region is to keep itself on a path that is sustainable in the future.

Asia has experienced a generation without inter-state war, in part because of a security order centered around the ASEAN Regional Forum, which has involved ideas of comprehensive security enshrined in ASEAN processes and the new ideas of co-operative security developed in Europe in the late 1980s, write Paul Evans and Chen Dongxiao in the introduction to the cover package of this edition of Global Asia. That fusion, what might be called “Co-operative Security 1.0,” has been an integral part of the system that has long avoided war. But it is no longer adequate to address increasing nationalism and the tensions produced by the strategic transition taking place as the rise of China challenges US predominance. It’s time to develop “Co-operative Security 2.0.”
The essays were inspired by a series of workshops led by Evans and Chen on Co-operative Security 2.0, organized by the University of British Columbia and the Shanghai Institute for International Studies (SIIS) with partner institutions over the past two years. The meetings ranged over orders including hegemony, concert, security community, consociational, pluralist and multiplex.

In the cover package of Global Asia’s Summer 2011 edition, we explored the relationship between Asia’s many decades of peace and its much-heralded economic prosperity, and asked, will this last? In this edition of the journal, we revisit the topic of East Asia’s so-called Long Peace, but this time from a much deeper and broader perspective, based on a five-year research project carried out at Uppsala University in Sweden and funded by the Swedish Riksbankens Jubileumsfond.
Over the years from 1839 to 1979, East Asia experienced some of the world’s bloodiest wars. Even during the Cold War, East Asia suffered 80 percent of all global battle deaths. But then, that long period of conflict was followed by a period of peace that has lasted now for three-and-a-half decades. Given that remarkable hiatus from armed conflict among nations, scholars have pondered the factors that have underpinned this peace and whether there are lessons to be learned for other parts of the world.

Nine years ago this month, Global Asia’s first issue appeared, and since then we have published over 4,000 pages of insightful analysis by some of the world’s leading thinkers. Back then, China’s rise was well cemented in the minds of policy-makers as an issue of central importance to the future of Asia and the world. But what few may have imagined was how in 2013 China’s new president, Xi Jinping, would unveil two initiatives to revive in a modern incarnation the fabled Silk Road. Now dubbed “One Belt, One Road,” the strategy has the potential to radically reshape China’s influence over global commerce and geopolitics through infrastructure development of
new land and sea routes linking China’s western provinces to Central Asia, Africa and Europe.

There are many ingredients that have come together over the years to produce Asia’s many success stories, especially the way the region has become a global paragon of rapid development and widespread poverty reduction. Education is a prominent ingredient, and it is no accident that Asia’s strongest economies have educational systemsamong the best in the world. Asian students routinely rank at or near the top of global surveysof academic achievement, mostly in math and science. Even the success of Asian students in American schools and universities suggests that the region’s reverence for learning is a cultural asset that survives and thrives abroad.

The cover package of the latestissue of Global Asia, guest edited by Dipak Gyawali, comes ahead of the 7th World Water Forum, to be held in South Korea in April. There, many of the world’s water specialists will gather to take stock of global efforts to address the myriad challenges associated with water. Elsewhere in this edition of Global Asia, our features section includes an assessment of Indonesian President Joko Widodo’s surprise announcement shortly after taking office last year that he plans to double or triple the country's defense spending, in an effort to make the country a major regional maritime power.

In our cover package, we look at the state of Asia’s five major economies, those whose fortunes will determine whether the region on its own can maintain the vigor that shielded Asia from the global crisis in the first place. China, Japan, South Korea, India and Indonesia face differing problems, but given the increasing interdependence of Asia’s economies, policy-makers in each country must make the right choices to benefit the region as a whole. What happens in the US, Europe and elsewhere matters, but it is in Asia that leaders can make a difference in what happens here.

Thomas Crampton, David Bandurski, Hu Yong, Dukjin
Chang, Shin Mizukoshi, Jonathan Berkshire Miller,
Mong Palatino, Long S. Le and Andy Yee
XI JINPING and ‘PRAGMATIC’ OFFENSIVE REALISM	 By Zhang Baohui
The debate: Should South Korea Co-operate
with the United stateS on Missile Defense?
Kang Choi and Wooksik Cheong square off, Fu Jun What’s Needed to Keep China’s Economy Growing
Yoshihide Soeya & Geun Lee Japan, South Korea
and the Middle Power Challenge in East Asia
Marwaan Macan-Markar After the Coup:
Where Does Thailand Go Now?
In Focus: India Under Modi Essays by
Niranjan Rajadhyaksha and Salil Tripathi
Book Reviews by John Delury, Inspector O,
Taehwan Kim & Nayan Chanda ...

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un was far more extensively groomed to succeed his father than many outside observers thought, and his style of leadership — actively involving various organs of the Party in a deliberately collective approach to ruling — has led to a consolidation of power far faster than expected. Following the purge and execution of his uncle, Jang Song Thaek, speculation is rife on what this means for the future of the country.

Propelled by decades of nearly uninterrupted economic growth, Indonesia is now attracting widespread interest from the international investment community, and is poised to take a greater role in regional and international affairs. But it faces daunting challenges at home if it is to continue to assume a more prominent place in Asia and the world.
In this issue of Global Asia, we devote our cover package to examining the rise of Indonesia, what it has accomplished and the vast challenges it faces in continuing its remarkable democratic and economic journey.

June 2020

Spring 2020

December 2019

September 2019

June 2019

March 2019

December 2018

September 2018

June 2018

Spring 2018

Winter 2017

Fall 2017

Summer 2017

Spring 2017

Winter 2016

Fall 2016

Global Asia is a quarterly publication of the East Asia Foundation. The foundation, established in Seoul in January 2005, strives to promote peace, prosperity, security and sustainability in East Asia by creating an open and creative forum for the exchange of ideas on regional co-operation and integration, among other goals.
The mission we have set for ourselves with Global Asia is both bold and urgent: It is to provide a compelling, serious, and responsible forum for distinguished thinkers, policymakers, political leaders and business people to debate the most important issues in Asia today. 
Global Asia is not a journal with a fixed point of view, or a particular agenda. Our aim is to give voice to the global dimension of what is happening in Asia. In our pages and on our web site, we aim for Asia to speak to the world, and the world to Asia. That is important at a time when this region is playing an ever greater role in world affairs.
There are other fine publications on international affairs. What sets us apart is our focus: Asia. We believe that the world is moving into “the Age of Asia,” to borrow a phrase from one of the articles in the inaugural issue of Global Asia in September 2006. This transformation is not going to occur overnight, but it has already begun.
The region’s dynamic economic growth, stable and accountable political systems, maturing democracies, and evolving sense of community are giving Asia greater weight in the world. These developments will have enormous implications for governments, businesses, societies and individuals across the globe. How that transformation is viewed, and shaped, from within Asia and how it is perceived outside Asia is an essential part of the story we have to tell.
The forces of globalization are having a profound impact throughout the world. And they are being influenced and channeled in different ways in different parts of the world. Ours is the story of Asia’s experience with globalization, and the ideas and debates influencing it. In pursuing our mission, we aim to play a part, however modest, in helping to shape the future of Asia.

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